Santa language

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Santa
Dunxian kielen
Native to	China
Region	Gansu (mainly Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture) and Xinjiang (Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture)
Native speakers	200,000 (2007)
Language family	Mongolic Southern Mongolic Shirongolic Baoanic Santa
Writing system	Arabic, Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3	sce
Glottolog	dong1285
ELP	Dongxiang
Santa is classified as Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

The Santa language, also known as Dongxiang (simplified Chinese: 东乡语; traditional Chinese: 東鄉語; pinyin: Dōngxiāngyǔ), is a Mongolic language spoken by the Dongxiang people in Northwest China.

Dialects

There are no dialects in strict sense, but three local varieties (tuyu) can be found: Suonanba (ca. 50% of all Dongxiang speakers), Wangjiaji (ca. 30% of all Dongxiang speakers) and Sijiaji (ca. 20% of all Dongxiang speakers).

Phonology

Compared to other Mongolic languages, there is no vowel harmony, except for a handful of suffixes. However, the rules governing this phenomenon are by far not as strict as those of Mongolian.

Consonants

Santa has 29 consonants:

		Labial	Alveolar	Retroflex	Palatal	Velar	Uvular	Glottal
Plosive	plain	p	t			k	q
	aspirated	pʰ	tʰ			kʰ	qʰ
Fricative	voiceless	f	s	ʂ	ɕ	x		h
	voiced			(ʐ)			ʁ
Affricate	plain		(t͡s)	t͡ʂ	t͡ɕ
	aspirated		(t͡sʰ)	t͡ʂʰ	t͡ɕʰ
Nasal		m	n			ŋ
Approximant		w	l		j
Trill			r

• The aspirated stops /pʰ, tʰ, kʰ, qʰ/, at varying degrees, tend to be affricated before close vowels as respectively:
  • /qʰ/ → : This has the most noticeable affrication, seen in ghudogvo (knife).
  • /pʰ/ → : Still commonly affricated, e.g. pixie (belt).
  • /tʰ/ → : Affrication is salient, but seems to be more apparent with than , as in tiigha (chicken).
  • /kʰ/ → : This consonant is the least affricated, but is still attested in kiqie (to lie down).
• Likewise, before non-close vowels non-aspirated stops do not show affrication e.g. da (to guess), korolon (footprint), or khalun (hot).
• Phonemes /t͡sʰ, t͡s, ʐ/ are only found in loanwords:
  • /t͡sʰ/ is only found in Chinese-derived words, as in cai /t͡sʰɑj/ (vegetable; from Chinese 菜 cài). It is frequently deaffricated to the native .
  • /t͡s/ is found within Chinese and Persian borrowings, with Persian زمین zamin (earth) rendered as zemin /t͡səˈmi(ŋ)/.
  • /ʐ/ in the same way is seen in words of Chinese and Arabic origin, as in renshen /ʐəŋˈʂəŋ/ (ginseng; Chinese 人參 rénshēn).
• The nasals /n, ŋ/ assimilate to before labials, as in unba /unˈpɑ/ → (to swim) and banban /pɑŋˈpɑŋ/ → (cudgel) respectively. /ŋ/ also has another allophone before uvulars, cf. zhangha /t͡ʂɑŋˈqɑ/ → (walnut).
• Nasals are commonly deleted in the coda, which is an areal feature around the border between Gansu and Qinghai. Although it is not restricted to word-final situations, it is rarer to find deletion there as the following consonantal onsets somehow reinforce the nasal. It should also be noted that vowels preceding nasal consonants are also nasalized themselves.
• The central approximants /j, w/ are fricativized when syllable-initial, mainly before close vowels. /w/ can further be found before front vowels and even low back vowels. An example of fricatization for each is yibai (one hundred) and weila (to cry). This phenomenon can also be found in neighboring languages, including Dungan and Monguor.
• /ʁ/, which is usually realized as a fricative, can be pronounced as an approximant in fast speech.
• /r/ is usually a trill, and length is dependent on the speed of speech; similarly in rapid speech it can become a tap .

Vowels

Dongxiang has 7 vowels. Unlike other neighboring Mongolic languages, it has limited vowel harmony and no distinctions of vowel length.

	Front	Central		Back
		plain	rhotacised	unrounded	rounded
Close	i			ɯ	u
Mid		ə	ɚ		o
Open				ɑ

• /i/, which is usually a close front vowel, has a backened allophone after retroflex consonants, and a slightly opened one after alveolar affricates and fricatives. Compare chi (you ) with misi (to fly).
• Close vowels are devoiced when in an unstressed initial syllable and between voiceless consonants, for example: chighin (ear), sidara (to catch fire) and khidun (hard). This is not the case though before a voiced consonant, especially if it is of native Mongolic origin, as evidenced with chila (to be exhausted) and suma (arrow).
  • In Chinese loans, devoicing is optional, i.e. chugui (cupboard; from 櫥櫃 chúguì) can be pronounced either or .
  • The mid-central vowel /ə/ has also been recorded voiceless in the aforementioned environment: pese (again).
  • Devoicing of /i/ can also occur regardless of the following sound and in non-initial syllables, under the condition it occurs after /s/: basi (tiger) or kewosila (children). Interestingly, it is not often the case, as in bositu (pregnant).
• /ɚ/ is always a syllabified as its own, as in ershi (twenty), with the exception of one Arabic loanword with glottal /h/ as the onset: ruhher (spirit; from رُوح rūḥ).
• /o/ is often pronounced with a considerable degree of labialization , however this can be inconsistent, even in the same utterance; cf. olien (cloud) vs. onghono (to shout).
• When stressed, /ə/ is typically realized as mid-front : enzhegve (donkey). Before /ŋ/, is used instead: amen (rice). Otherwise in unstressed syllables it is mid-central .
• is typically an open back vowel, e.g. apa (barley), but before alveolar nasals it is fronted to ; an example is dan (carrying pole with loads). Before velar nasals, as in dan ( party), the back form is used.

Glides

Although true diphthongal sequences (i.e. complex vowel combinations) do not exist in Santa, combinations with the vowels /u, ə, ɑ/ and the glides /j, w/ do. The glides are phonetically realized as non-syllabic vowels and the vowels have the following phonetic realizations below, regardless of any previous allophonic rules as mentioned above.

Glide/vowel combinations

		Vowel + Glide	Glide + Vowel	Additional
				/j/	/w/
/u/	/j/	—	/ju/	—	—
	/w/	—	—	—	—
/ə/	/j/	/əj/	/jə/	—	—
	/w/	/əw/	—	/wəj/	—
/ɑ/	/j/	/ɑj/	/jɑ/	—	/jɑw/
	/w/	/ɑw/	/wɑ/	/wɑj/	—

Distinct phonetic vowel realizations (note that vowels in other environments take the cardinal form):

• /ə/:
  • Before /j/, the vowel is raised to , e.g. khighei (pig), falling somewhere in between and .
    • If also after /w/, the vowel is optionally dropped, as in ghuilu (to become).
  • After /j/, it is pronounced like stressed ; for instance nie (one) or bierei (wife).
  • Before /w/, backness is often applied so that it varies between : hotou (maggot).
• /ɑ/:
  • Before /j/, it may be raised, varying from , see bai (to stop), kuaisun (navel).
  • Before /w/, the vowel is often raised and backed, ranging from in nao (to hit the mark), oqiao (old).

Phonotactics

The general syllable template for Santa is (C)(G)V(G/N), where the brackets represent optional phonemes. C represents any consonant apart from /ŋ/ or a glide, G is one of the glides /j, w/, V is a vowel and G/N is either a glide or a nasal /n, ŋ/ (occasionally also /r/). However, there are further constraints to this scheme:

• The obstruents /pʰ, qʰ, f, x, h/ in words of Monogolic origin can only be found at the beginning of words.
• Also, /ɕ/ can occur at any position syllable-initially, but not after nasals of glides.
• /r, ʁ/ on the other hand can only occur after vowels. It is also possible for /ʁ/ to occur after nasals, but not /r/ due to the sonorant rule.
• /ʂ, ɕ, t͡ɕ, m/ can occur word-initially but between syllables only after vowels.
• It is impossible for non-compounded words of Mongolic origin for a sonorant (with the exception of the glide ) to follow a nasal after a syllable boundary. However, three exceptions exist: manlou (forehead), danlei (palate) and chanlie (to listen).
  • Words borrowed from Mandarin Chinese do not follow this rule, seen with rinmin (people; from 人民 rénmín).

Stress

The majority of words in Santa are stressed on the final syllable. Examples include yawu /jɑˈwu/ (to walk), funiegvan /funjəˈʁɑŋ/ (fox) and agven /ɑˈʁəŋ/ (village). Stress also shifts to the suffix when added to a word: funiegvan-ni /funjəʁɑŋˈni/ (fox, genitive case), agven-de /ɑʁəŋˈdə/ (village, locative case).

However, several exceptions to this rule exist:

• Certain suffix clitics prevent the stress from shifting to the final syllable, as seen in yawu=ne /jɑˈwunə/ (walk!, imperative), tomo=ghala /tʰoˈmoqɑlɑ/ (hammer, instrumental). However, not every clitic follows this rule.
• The suffixes +jiwo and +senu receive penultimate stress: jawu+jiwo /jɑwuˈt͡ʂiwo/ (to walk, progressive) and ire+senu /irəˈsənu/ (as soon as one comes).
• Similarly, basi /ˈpɑsi/ (tiger) and bosi /ˈposi/ (cloth) are stressed on the initial syllable. There is a minimal pair with bosi where the stress on the final syllable (/poˈsi/)means 'to wake up'.
• Loanwords may also violate the final stress rule; this is discussed below.

In loanwords

In Chinese loanwords, stress is not predictable; this is likely due to the tonal influence from the original pronunciation. However, these tones are based on the dialects of the Hui people rather than the standard dialect. Examples of non-final stress include hushi /ˈxuʂi/ (nurse; from 护士 hùshì), daozi /ˈdɑwt͡si/ (rice paddy; from 稻子 dàozi) and dadou /ˈdɑdəw/ (soybean; from 大豆 dàdòu). Minimal pairs, though uncommon, also exist. One example is shizi /ˈʂit͡si/ (persimmon; from 柿子 shìzi) and shizi /ʂiˈt͡si/ (lion; from 狮子 shīzi).

There are a number of Arabic loanwords which also violate ultimate stress; these include aghili /ˈɑqili/ (wisdom; from عَقِيْل ʿaqīl), mehheri /ˈməhəri/ (dowry; from مَهْر⁩ mahr), ghalebu /qɑˈləbu/ (body, form; from قَالَب⁩ qālab), etc.

Some words with unknown origin may also stress on other syllables, including tonghori /ˈtʰoŋqori/ (wild goose), dawala /ˈtɑwɑlɑ/ (urinary bladder) and bawa /ˈpɑwɑ/ (great-grandfather).

Grammar

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Morphology

Plural marking

• -la (remaining of nouns)

~oni,

sheep,

eoni-la

sheep(s)

~oni, eoni-la

sheep, sheep(s)

• -sla/-sila (certain nouns and pronouns)

o~in,

girl,

o~in-sla

girls

o~in, o~in-sla

girl, girls

• -pi (relatives)

gajieiau

brother,

gajieiau-pi

brothers

gajieiau gajieiau-pi

brother, brothers

Cases

Santa has 6 cases.

Case	Marker	Example	Meaning
Nominative	-∅	morei holuwe	the horse ran
Genitive-accusative	-ni (-yi)	bula-ni usu	water of the spring
Dative-locative-benefactive	-de	ula-de khirei	climb the mountain
Ablative-comparative	-se	udani hon-se gaowe	better than last year
Comitative (joint case)	-le	chi ibura-le hhantu echi	you go together with Ibura
Comitative (aspect case)	-re	bi chima-re sanane	I want to settle accounts with you
Sociative-instrumental	-gh(u)ala	khidei-ghala kielie	speak in Chinese
Locative-prosecutive	-gvun	moronghizha-gvun nie uzhe	look along the river

Possessive

Pronoun

Word	Note	Meaning
morei-mini	(also -miyi, -miy)	my horse
morei-matanni	(also -matayi, -matay)	our (inclusive) horse
morei-bijienni	(also -bijieyi, -bijiey)	our (exclusive) horse
morei-chini	(also -chiyis, -chiy)	your horse
morei-tani	(also -tayi, -tay)	your (plural) horse
morei-ni		him/her/their (any 3rd person pronoun) horse

Reflexive

Particle	Word	Meaning
-ne	chi gaga-ne uru	you call your elder brother to come

Pronoun declension

1st person

Case	Singular	Plural
		Exclusive	Inclusive
Nominative	bi / orun (quotation)	bijien	matan / oruntan (quotation)
Genitive-accusative	mi-ni / nama-ni (namiyi)	bijien-ni	matan-ni / ma-ni
Dative-locative	nama-de / ma-de	bijien-de	matan-de
Ablative-comparative	nama-se / ma-se	bijien-se	matan-se
Comitative (joint case)	nama-le / ma-le	bijien-le	matan-le
Sociative-instrumental	bi-ghala	bijien-ghala	matan-ghala

2nd person

Case	Singular	Plural
Nominative	chi	ta / tan
Genitive-accusative	chi-ni	ta-ni
Dative-locative	chima-de	tan-de
Ablative-comparative	chima-se / cha-se	tan-se
Comitative (joint case)	chima-le	tan-le
Sociative-instrumental	chi-ghala	ta-ghala

3rd person

Case	Singular			Plural
Nominative	hhe	tere	egven	hhela	terela	egvenla
Genitive-accusative				hhesila	teresila	egvesila
Dative-locative	hhe-ni	tere-ni	egen-ni	hhela-ni	terela-ni	egvenla-ni
Ablative-comparative	hhe-nde	tere-(n)de / ten-de	egven-de	hhela-de	terela-de	egvenla-de
Comitative (joint case)	hhe-nse	tere-(n)se	egven-se	hhela-se	terela-se	egvenla-se
Sociative-instrumental	hhe-nle	tere-le	egven-le	hhela-le	terela-le	egvenla-le
Sociative instrumental	hhe-ghala	tere-ghala	egven-ghala	hhela-ghala	terela-ghala	egvenla-ghala

Verb suffix

Active verb Type category (mood or modality)

Case	Particle	Example	Meaning
Imperative	-ye	matanghala yawu-ye	let's go (dual)
	-gie	chini gien ghujingvan gaoda-gie	may your illness heal quickly
Declarative	-we	bi uzhe-we	I watched

Aspect category (manner or state of verb action)

Aspect	Particle	Example	Meaning
Perfect	-we	bi bazade echi-we	I have gone to Linxia
Imperfect	-ne	chi khala echi-ne	where are you going?
Continuative	-zhiwe (-zho)	ana-miyi budan gie-zhiwe	my mum is cooking

Voice category (relationship between action and its subject)

Voice	Particle	Example	Meaning
Active voice	-∅
Causative voice	-gva	bai-gva	to establish
Cooperative voice	-ndu	jie-ndu	to eat

Numeral: Singular has no suffix, plural suffix is -ndu, the same as Cooperative voice.

Numbers: Singular has no additional component, plural's additional component is -ndu, the same as the additional component for Cooperative voice.

Adverbial verb

Adverb	Particle	Example	Meaning
Coordinative adverbial verb	-zhi	shira-zhi ijie	to roast and eat
Repetitive adverbial verb	-n	wila-n wila-n yawulawe	walking while crying and crying
Purpose adverbial verb	-le	bi nie uzhe-le irewe	I came to take a look
Separative adverbial verb	-dene (-de)	chi ijie-dene bi ijieye	you eat first, then I'll eat
Conditional adverbial verb	-se	ghura bao-se bi ulie irene	if it rains, I won't come
Choice, Limit adverbial verb	-tala	khara olu-tala wilie giewe	work until it gets dark
Concessive adverbial verb	-senu	eqiemagva bosi-senu shu uzhezho	read a book after getting up in the morning

Stative verb

Tense	Particle	Example	Meaning
Past	-san (-sen)	ene baodei bolu-sanwe	this wheat is ripe
Future	-ku / -wu	echi-ku mo gholowe	the road that needs to be taken is long
Present	-chin	enende sao-chin kun wainu uwe	is there anyone living here?

Existential verbs bi and wi

		bi	wi
Active verb		wai-ne	wi-we
Stative verb	Past stative verb	bi-san	wi-san
	Future stative verb	bi-ku	wi-ku
	Present stative verb	bi-chin	wi-chin
Adverbial verb	Coordinative adverbial verb	bi-zhi	wi-zhi
	Separative adverbial verb	bi-dene	wi-dene
	Conditional adverbial verb	bi-se	wi-se
	Choice, Limit adverbial verb	bi-tala	wi-tala
	Concessive adverbial verb	bi-senu	wi-senu

Tense	Particle	Example	Meaning
Speculative	bi-mu	hhen-de baer bi-mu	he might be rich
Recollective	bi-lai	hhe nasun giedun bi-lai bi matawe	I forgot how old he is

Syntax

In common with other Mongolic languages, Dongxiang is spoken as an SOV language. In Linxia, however, under the influence of the Mandarin Chinese dialects spoken by the neighbouring Hui people, sentences of the SVO type have also been observed.

Writing system

Knowledge of Arabic is widespread among the Sarta and as a result, they often use the Arabic script to write down their language informally (cf. the Xiao'erjing system that was used by Hui people); however, this has been little investigated by scholars. As of 2003, the official Latin alphabet for Dongxiang, developed on the basis of the Monguor alphabet, remained in the experimental stage:

Consonants

Letter	IPA	Letter	IPA	Letter	IPA
b	/p/	g	/k/	x	/ɕ/
p	/pʰ/	k	/kʰ/	zh	/t͡ʂ/
m	/m/	gh	/q/	ch	/t͡ʂʰ/
f	/f/	kh	/qʰ/	sh	/ʂ/
d	/t/	h	/x/	z	/t͡s/
t	/tʰ/	gv	/ʁ/	c	/t͡sʰ/
n	/n, ŋ/	hh	/h/	s	/s/
l	/l/	j	/t͡ɕ/	w	/w/
r	/r, ʐ/	q	/t͡ɕʰ/	y	/j/

1. ^ Syllable final, n is pronounced as /n/ before ⟨e⟩ and ⟨i⟩, and /ŋ/ before ⟨a⟩, ⟨o⟩ and ⟨u⟩. Syllable initial is always /n/.
2. ^ r is pronounced as /ʐ/ in Chinese and Arabic loanwords.

Vowels

Letter	IPA	Letter	IPA	Letter	IPA
a	/ɑ/	u	/u/	ie	/jə/
e	/ə/	ai	/ɑj/	iu	/ju/
er	/ɚ/	ei	/əj/	ua	/wɑ/
i	/i/	ao	/ɑw/	ui	/wəj/
ii	/ɯ/	ou	/əw/	iao	/jɑw/
o	/o/	ia	/jɑ/	uai	/wɑj/

1. ^ When the preceding consonant is gh, kh, h or gv, this vowel is pronounced the same as ii.

Numerals

Numeral	Dongxiang	IPA	Classical Mongolian
1	nie	/njə/	nigen
2	ghua	/qwɑ/	qoyar
3	ghuran	/quˈrɑŋ/	ghurban
4	jieron	/t͡ɕjəˈroŋ/	dörben
5	tawun	/tʰaˈwuŋ/	tabun
6	dzigvon	/t͡ʂiˈʁoŋ/	jirghughan
7	dolon	/toˈloŋ/	dologhan
8	naiman	/nɑjˈmɑŋ/	naiman
9	yesun	/jəˈsuŋ/	yisün
10	hharan	/hɑˈrɑŋ/	arban

Some numbers in Dongxiang have been heavily influenced by Mandarin. These include 30 (sanshi) and 40 (sishi). Meanwhile, both khorun /qʰoˈruŋ/ and ershi /ˈɚʂi/ are used for 20.

The Tangwang language

There are about 20,000 people in the north-eastern part Dongxiang County, who self-identify as Dongxiang or Hui people who do not speak Dongxiang, but natively speak a Dongxiang-influenced form of Mandarin Chinese. The linguist Mei W. Lee-Smith calls this the "Tangwang language" (Chinese: 唐汪话), based on the names of the two largest villages (Tangjia and Wangjia, parts of Tangwang Town) where it is spoken and argues it is a creolized language. According to Lee-Smith, the Tangwang language uses mostly Mandarin words and morphemes with Dongxiang grammar. Besides Dongxiang loanwords, Tangwang also has a substantial number of Arabic and Persian loanwords.

Like Standard Mandarin, Tangwang is a tonal language, but grammatical particles, which are typically borrowed from Mandarin, but are used in the way Dongxiang morphemes would be used in Dongxiang, do not carry tones.

For example, while the Mandarin plural suffix -men (们) has only very restricted usage (it can be used with personal pronouns and some nouns related to people), Tangwang uses it, in the form -m, universally, the way Dongxiang would use its plural suffix -la. Mandarin pronoun ni (你) can be used in Tangwang as a possessive suffix (meaning "your"). Unlike Mandarin, but like Dongxiang, Tangwang has grammatical cases as well (however only four of them, unlike eight in Dongxiang).

References

1. ^ Bao (2006).
2. ^ Santa at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
3. ^ a b Field (1997), pp. 155–6.
4. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 37.
5. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 38.
6. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 47.
7. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 46.
8. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 48.
9. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 50.
10. ^ Field (1997), p. 43.
11. ^ Field (1997), pp. 39, 51.
12. ^ Field (1997), p. 39.
13. ^ Field (1997), p. 51.
14. ^ Field (1997), p. 52.
15. ^ a b c d Field (1997), p. 45.
16. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 53.
17. ^ Field (1997), pp. 43, 54.
18. ^ Field (1997), p. 54.
19. ^ Field (1997), pp. 55–57.
20. ^ Field (1997), pp. 54–57.
21. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 55.
22. ^ Field (1997), p. 56.
23. ^ Field (1997), pp. 53, 55.
24. ^ Field (1997), p. 55, 56.
25. ^ Field (1997), p. 59.
26. ^ a b c d Field (1997), p. 61.
27. ^ Field (1997), pp. 39–40.
28. ^ Field (1997), p. 40.
29. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 151.
30. ^ a b c Field (1997), p. 152.
31. ^ Field (1997), p. 154.
32. ^ a b Field (1997), p. 153.
33. ^ Kim (2003), p. 354.
34. ^ Bao (2006), 1.1: 东乡语的语序特点.
35. ^ Kim (2003), p. 348.
36. ^ a b c d Lee-Smith (1996). sfnp error: no target: CITEREFLee-Smith1996 (help)

Bibliography

• Bao, Saren (包萨仁) (2006), 从语言接触看东乡语和临夏话的语序变化 , Journal of the Second Northwest University for Nationalities (Social Science Edition) (2), ISSN 1008-2883, archived from the original on 2011-07-13
• Cheng, Joyce (2013-05-10), "Dongxiang – people of the northwest", GBTIMES, archived from the original on 2016-04-28
• Field, Kenneth Lynn (1997), A grammatical overview of Santa Mongolian (PDF), PhD dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara
• Kim, Stephen S. (2003), "Santa", in Janhunen, Juha (ed.), The Mongolic Languages, Routledge Language Family Series, pp. 346–363, ISBN 978-0-203-98791-9
• Lee-Smith, Mei W.; International Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies (1996), "The Tangwang language", in Wurm, Stephen A.; Mühlhäusler, Peter; Tyron, Darrell T. (eds.), Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas, Volume 2, Part 1. (Volume 13 of Trends in Linguistics, Documentation Series)., Walter de Gruyter, pp. 875–882, ISBN 978-3-11-013417-9
• People's Daily (2012-08-08), Chinese Ethnic Groups：东乡族（Dōngxiāng zú ）The Dongxiang ethnic minority, retrieved 2016-02-12

Further reading

• Baker, Craig (April 2000), The Dongxiang Language and People (PDF), retrieved 2016-02-12
• Chuluu, Üjiyediin (Chaolu Wu) (November 1994), Introduction, Grammar, and Sample Sentences for Dongxiang (PDF), SINO-PLATONIC, Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania
• Jorigt, G.; Stuart, Kevin (1998), "Problems Concerning Mongolian Case", Central Asiatic Journal, 42 (1), Harrassowitz Verlag: 110–122, JSTOR 41928140
• Ma, Guozhong (马国忠) (2001), 东乡语汉语词典 , Lanzhou: Gansu Nationalities Publishing House (甘肃民族出版社), ISBN 978-7-5421-0767-1
• Wei, Li Xue; Stuart, Kevin (1989), "Population and Culture of the Mongols, Tu, Baoan, Dongxiang, and Yugu in Gansu", Mongolian Studies, 12 (The Owen Lattimore Memorial Issue), Mongolia Society: 71–93, JSTOR 43194234

External links

• The Dongxiang Mongols and Their Language
• An example of the Dongxiang language being spoken

v t e Languages of China
Official	Standard Chinese
Regional	ARs / SARs CantoneseHK/MC EnglishHK MongolianNM PortugueseMC TibetanXZ UyghurXJ ZhuangGX Prefecture Hmong Kam Bouyei Tujia Korean Qiang Yi Kyrgyz Kazakh Tai Nüa Tai Lü Zaiwa Lisu Bai Hani Zhuang Counties/Banners numerous
Indigenous	Sino-Tibetan languages Lolo- Burmese Mondzish Kathu Maang Manga Mango Maza Mondzi Muangphe Burmish Achang Xiandao Pela Lashi Chashan Lhao Vo Zaiwa Loloish Hanoish Akeu Akha Amu Angluo Asuo Baihong Bisu Budu Bukong Cosao Duoni Duota Enu Habei Hani Honi Jino Kabie Kaduo Lami Laomian Laopin Mpi Muda Nuobi Nuomei Phana’ Piyo Qidi Sadu Sangkong Suobi Tsukong Woni Yiche Lisoish Eka Hlersu Kua-nsi Kuamasi Laizisi Lalo Lamu Lavu Lawu Limi Lipo Lisu Lolopo Mangdi Micha Mili Sonaga Toloza Xuzhang Yangliu Zibusi Nisoish Alingpo Alugu Aluo Axi Azha Azhe Bokha Gepo Khlula Lope Moji Muji Muzi Nasu Nisu Nuosu Phala Phola Phowa Phukha Phuma Phupa Phupha Phuza Samei Sani Thopho Zokhuo Other Gokhy Katso Kucong Lahu Naruo Namuyi Naxi Nusu Samu Sanie Zauzou Qiangic Baima Choyo Ersu Guiqiong Horpa Japhug Khroskyabs Laze Lizu Na Muya Namuyi Naxi Pumi Northern Qiang Southern Qiang Shixing Situ Tshobdun Zbu Zhaba Tibetic Amdo Baima Basum Central Tibetan Choni Dao Dongwang Drugchu Groma Gserpa Khalong Khams Kyirong Ladakhi Tseku Zhongu Zitsadegu Other Bai Caijia Derung Jingpo Longjia Nung Tujia Waxianghua Other languages Austroasiatic Bit Blang Bolyu Bugan Bumang Hu Kuan Mang Man Met Muak Sa-aak Palaung Riang U Va Wa Hmong-Mien Hmongic A-Hmao Bu-Nao Gejia Guiyang Hm Nai Hmong Hmu Huishui Kiong Nai Luobohe Mashan Pa-Hng Pa Na Pingtang Qo Xiong Raojia She Small Flowery Xixiu Younuo Mienic Biao Min Dzao Min Iu Mien Kim Mun Mongolic Bonan Buryat Daur Eastern Yugur Kangjia Khamnigan Monguor Oirat Ordos Santa Torgut Kra-Dai Zhuang Bouyei Dai Min Ningming Nong Tai Dam Tai Dón Tai Hongjin Tai Lü Tai Nüa Tai Ya Yang Yei Other Ai-Cham Biao Buyang Cao Miao Chadong Cun Gelao Hlai Jiamao Kam Lakkja Mak Maonan Mulam Naxi Yao Ong Be Paha Qabiao Sui Then Tungusic Evenki Manchu Nanai Oroqen Xibe Turkic Äynu Fuyu Kyrgyz Ili Turki Lop Salar Western Yugur Other Sarikoli (Indo-European) Tsat (Austronesian) Formosan languages (Austronesian)
Minority	Kazakh Korean Kyrgyz Russian Esperanto Tatar Tuvan Uzbek Vietnamese (Kinh) Wakhi
Varieties of Chinese	Mandarin Northeastern Beijing Ji-Lu Jiao-Liao Zhongyuan Lan-Yin Jin Southwestern Sichuanese Southeastern Gan Hakka Hui Min Southern Hokkien Teoswa Hainanese Eastern Puxian Central Northern Shaojiang Wu Northern Auish Xiang New Old Yue Cantonese Ping
Creole/Mixed	E Hezhou Lingling Macanese Maojia Qoqmončaq Sanqiao Tangwang Wutun
Extinct	Ba–Shu Jie Khitan Old Yue Rouran Saka Tangut Tocharian Tuoba Tuyuhun Xianbei Zhangzhung
Sign	Chinese Sign Northern (Beijing) Sign Southern (Shanghai) Sign Hong Kong SignHK/MC Tibetan SignXZ
GX = Guangxi HK = Hong Kong MC = Macau NM = Inner Mongolia XJ = Xinjiang XZ = Tibet

v t e Mongolic languages
Contemporary Mongolic	Central Buryat–Mongolian Buryat Mongolian Khalkha Oirat Alasha Darkhad Kalmyk Torgut Sart Kalmyk Peripheral Mongolian Baarin Chakhar Khorchin Ordos Khamnigan Southern Eastern Yugur Shirongolic Baoanic Bonan Kangjia Santa Monguor other Dagur Moghol Rouran mixed Qoqmončaq Tangwang Wutun
Para-Mongolic	Awar Serbi Duan Khitan Tuoba Tuyuhun
Historical	Proto-Mongolic Middle Mongol Classical Mongolian
Italics indicate extinct languages